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As described by scholar Lucian Boia, from 1945 the PNÈš emerged from the coup "believing itself the country's great party", which made it adopt a policy of "political and moral intransigence". By 1947, it had 2.12 million card-carrying members, as noted by Georgescu, it ranked ahead of all other parties; however, though "neither numbers nor popularity could bring it to power." Maniu preserved regional influence in reconquered Northern Transylvania, organized from September 1944 under a Committee of the Liberated Regions. This was presided upon by Ionel Pop. Commissariat rule often veered into an antimagyarism that was only ever curbed by the Red Army after a "six-week killing spree". Various reports, including oral testimonies by Peasant Guard members and volunteers gathered by Ardealul, suggest that local Hungarians were victims of numerous lynchings, either tolerated of encouraged by the Commissariat. By then, the PCdR had sparked a government crisis over Maniu's rejection of its communization programs; in the aftermath, communists spuriously claimed that Maniu had personally masterminded the killing of Transylvanian Hungarians. Upon taking over at Internal Affairs, PNÈš-ist Nicolae Penescu found himself accused of stalling democratization, and was pushed into resigning. After Maniu was again offered the premiership, and again declined, power went to General Nicolae Rădescu. Maniu and his followers agreed with the PCdR on the need for "de-fascization" in Romania, overseeing a purge of Romania's police agencies and appointing Ghiță Pop as PNÈš representative on the Special Committee for the investigation of war crimes. However, as noted by Boia, "curious solidarities" continued to be formed locally by anti-Carol PNÈš-ists and their Guardist counterparts. Noted Guardists who were accepted as PNÈš members include HoraÈ›iu Comaniciu and Silviu CrăciunaÈ™. National Peasantists in Transylvania no longer screened against the Iron Guard, whose affiliates joined into the effort to terrorize Hungarians into leaving the area. Any such recruitment drive was curbed by the PCdR, which obtained assurances from leading Guardists that they would prevent their followers from entering the PNÈš. The PNÈš's vice presidents in the coup's aftermath were Mihalache, Lupu, and Mihai Popovici. Ghiță Pop was a fourth member of this team, but has to resign upon taking up a position in Sănătescu's cabinet. Maniu was additionally assisted by a Permanent Delegation, whose members included Halippa, Hudiță, Lazăr, Teofil Sauciuc-Săveanu, Gheorghe Zane, as well as, with the introduction of women's suffrage, Ella Negruzzi. Overall, the party was seeing a rejuvenation of its leadership, with Coposu and Virgil Veniamin taking over as junior party secretaries. Noted militants included young academics—among them Radu and Șerban Cioculescu, as well as Vladimir Streinu. The party lost its control over the TNÈš, with Alexandrescu favoring a PCdR alliance. Consequently, Maniu ordered Coposu to establish a loyalist youth group, called OrganizaÈ›ia M. On February 3, 1945, the youth wing broke away from the PNÈš as the Alexandrescu Peasantists. It rallied with a communist-run National Democratic Front (FND), established in October 1944, being identified in PNÈš propaganda as "lackeys of the Comm